Category: General

An update on my crowdfunding campaign

Have you taken the pledge yet? And even if you have, have you taken the chance to donate a little money towards my PledgeMe campaign?

Have you?

I’m now 27% funded, which is pretty good going for the first few days, but that still leaves 73% to go. So, please do consider donating, especially since backers get to see entertaining (in some sense of the word) videos like this:

I’m fascinated by the fact that, at this stage, it’s the big ticket rewards which seem to be getting the pledges, rather than, say, the postcards. I have a plan to introduce something around the $20 mark, in the hope that gets a few more people interested in backing the campaign. I’m thinking some kind of “Conspiracy Theory Bingo” card/game.

Anyway, donate, and keep washing the pies!

P.S. Also, this week’s The Podcaster’s Guide to the Conspiracy was on the various conspiracy theories around the banning of 1080, although in some respects it was just an excuse to worry a little more about the election results.

On my PledgeMe campaign to crowdfund a conference trip

There’s a conference in Miami on conspiracy theories that I’ve been invited to present papers at, which I can’t currently afford to go to. As such, I’ve decided to engage in a spot of crowdfunding to try to get me there.

Getting the Conspiracy Theory Theorist to Miami

To say that I’m apprehensive about this is to sell my anxiety short: I need about NZ$2500 to cover most of the flight costs to go from Auckland, Aotearoa (New Zealand) to Miami, Florida and whilst I have a tiny bit of fame on the internets, I’m not sure I’m “crowdfunded to the tune of NZ$2500” famous.

So, please do consider giving a little (or a lot) to my campaign to tell Americans how to think about conspiracy theories. There are rewards for certain pledges and, frankly, I’m liable to keep going on and on about the PledgeMe drive if pledges don’t come in thick and fast.

So, remember, pledge once, pledge twice: pledge for a lifetime! And if pain persists, see a doctor.

Just not me.

On that election

When we look back at the 2014 election (which we will, for a long time) people are going to ask “Why?” So startling was the election result to some that people are already signing petitions which claim the election was rigged, seemingly only because the result isn’t the one that they wanted. They’ll ask why Labour failed to present a credible alternative to government, and why they didn’t accept the Green’s olive branch of a formal coalition prior to the election? They’ll ask how it was that Cameron Slater came out of the election with his media career not in tatters, why Matthew Hooton attacked the party he said he was still going to vote for, how it is that Judith Collins got back in and why Trevor Mallard wasn’t ditched. They’ll ask whether it was National’s stunning victory which lead to so-so commission reports into spying allegations and ministerial conduct, and they’ll ask whether Kim Dotcom was a dunderhead or a liar when it came to a suspicious leaked email which looked too good to be true. They’ll ask if Hone Harawira was the victim of his own hubris or the target of an coordinated attack. People will ask “Why David Seymour?” especially since even David Seymour can’t answer that question.

It seems that everywhere we look at the 2014 election, there are questions which would be easily answered if we just supposed the existence of a conspiracy (or, in some cases, a lack of one).

For example, people are claiming that Labour actively demonised a pre-election deal with the Greens because Labour continues to think that they are owed all those Green votes. These people will point towards certain MPs not being on message about how the Greens and Labour can work together as evidence that Labour seeks to destroy its own (and now only) potential coalition partner.

Now, this is a conspiracy theory I can get behind, given that I am a Green voter and detractor of the modern Labour Party. I often find Labour’s treatment of the Greens incomprehensible, and so I’m tempted by the claim that Labour has it in for them, despite the assurances of Labour Party faithful that it’s not the case. There is a startling distance between what Labour says about the Greens and how they act towards them, which is evidence enough for me to think that Labour is being very disingenuous about the possibility of working with them. Still, hypocrisy does not necessarily entail conspiracy: Labour could just be confused, like they seem to be in other areas of political behaviour.

Some have also argued that Cameron Slater survived the fallout of Dirty Politics because, in the end, the mainstream media have always tolerated the personality and behaviour of people like Slater, and merely acted otherwise because they knew the public disapproved. These people will point to the litany of journalists who said “Well, we all knew something like this was going on” as evidence of a conspiracy of silence.

Which seems plausible and, under some analyses, not at all conspiratorial. The frustrating (well, one of) thing about Dirty Politics weren’t so much Hager’s revelations but those of the journalists who said “Well, we kind of knew this stuff was happening, but he was so good as a source!” Now, I’m split as to whether that qualifies as a conspiracy of silence or just bad tradecraft. Possibly both, really.

As to how it was that Judith Collins got back in, and why Trevor Mallard wasn’t rightly ditched by the voting public, well, we don’t need a conspiracy to explain that. People can be stupid and given that currently all voters are people, that means by extension some voters are stupid too. Collin’s majority is still secure, even if it was slashed, which goes to show that for a certain section of the community she either did no wrong, or not enough wrong to warrant getting thrown out of Parliament. Mallard almost lost to a former Big Tabacco lobbyist and I, for one, am confused. Mallard is toxic for Labour and the Left in general, but is a former Big Tobacco lobbyist really preferable?

Probably the bigger question is whether forces conspired against Hone Harawira, costing him Te Tai Tokerau? Harawira is himself fond of conspiracy theories about the forces out to get him, having a bit of a history of blaming others for issues probably of his own making. In this particular case, it’s a bit hard to tell whether people really conspired against him: John Key’s endorsement of his opponent, Kelvin Davis, probably didn’t do the Labour candidate much good and might have galvanised some of Harawira’s supporters. Still, it is true that elements did come in behind Davis. However, Harawira’s downfall seems much more explicable with reference to his forming a coalition with a minor Bond villain, Kim Dotcom. It seems that the voters of Te Tai Tokerau, as well as some of Harawira’s supporters, were very confused by the socialist being matey with the libertarian, and voted for the stability (I say somewhat in jest) of Labour. If there’s a conspiracy to be uncovered, it would seem to be one which purports to explains Harawira’s choice of political partners, rather than the activities of his enemies.

As for the future… Well, what does National’s stunning victory, in which they got a parliamentary majority, mean for the various enquiries into National’s corrupt behaviour whilst in government? Will they simply be box ticking exercises or will they lead to a change in culture in the National Party? Those who think National are inherently bad will say the enquiry results will be a whitewash, presumably no matter the outcome. To be fair, no amount of condemnation for what has happened under National’s watch would be too much. So, I think I can confidently say that we can expect conspiracy theories about the results of the enquiries because the very reason for the enquiries invites thinking about them in a conspiratorial mode.

Then there is the question of electoral fraud: was the election rigged? Well, if you signed this petition you presumably think that’s likely. Now, if it turned out that the election results were rigged, that would be a big story, but the evidence presented thus far is not convincing: the petition creator thinks it is odd that people voted Left for candidates in some electorates but still gave their party vote to the Right. You don’t need to posit a conspiracy to explain that, though, because that’s how MMP works: the candidate vote is separate from the party vote. You can like Nikki Kaye and still vote Green, or think you’d like David Seymour without having to vote in such a way that you also have to have a Jamie Whyte.

Indeed, if you were to rig an election you wouldn’t make it so obvious, would you? You’d (well, I would) try to ensure that the party and candidate votes were broadly aligned. A well run conspiracy will try to hide the evidence of its existence, and a notable difference between the candidate and the party votes in an electorate indicates a lack of concerted planning by the conspirators. After all, if you can alter one of the votes, why not change both? You still have to go to the effort of creating a fraudulent voting paper to satisfy the requirements of the recount, after all.

Perhaps what this petition shows is that the public’s distrust of authority is growing: I don’t believe we’ve seen such a petition before and whilst the petition is based on the petitioners not understanding the nature of MMP, it kind of follows (once that lack of understanding is taken into account) that since the result looks weird, it might be an entirely fraudulent result. The Dirty Politics and Moment of Truth scandals certainly showed that nefarious, vote suppressing behaviour goes on in Aotearoa (New Zealand), so it’s not a stretch to imagine that electoral fraud is also being contemplated. It is, however, a stretch to suggest it merely on the evidence of the results not being what you think they should be.

For example, in the middle of the election it was alleged that National were signing Pasifica people up to the National Party and then telling them they were now obliged to vote National during the election. This, if true, would be clear evidence of electoral fraud, and the evidence was said to be letters sent to the new members, outlining what they had to do next. No such letters ever surfaced, which kind of shows there was nothing to the story in the first place. Still, at least if people thought the story was plausible it was on the basis that there was a kind of promissory note evidence existed, rather than the supposition that “These people are up to no good!”

Because even of they are, you’ll need slightly more proof.

You have three more years.

Moments of Truth with Kim Dotcom

So, Kim Dotcom has had his Moment of Truth and now everyone is waiting to see how it plays out. I’m still consolidating my views about the revelations (and waiting on some evidence; appeals to authority, no matter how well-respected, only get you so far) but I have opinions (beliefs, almost) about the timing.

Conjecture 1: The John Key email is not what it seems.

Dotcom’s Moment of Truth really was a moment of truths, given that it was not just a gotcha of the kind “The PM lied about having prior knowledge of Dotcom” but also the revelaiton “The PM lied about mass surveillance” (or, if you are the kind of person who thinks the PM is both uninterested in oversight of our intelligence gathering operations and also a bit of a dunderhead about his constitutional responsibilities, trusts that an unguarded GCSB would, in the face of all evidence, do nothing illegal). It seems, then, just a little odd Dotcom would choose to make this revelation just five days out from a general election, given that National voters are likely to wait to see the Government’s response (which, it will argue, will take time, given that there are documents to check, clearances to get, et cetera et cetera; given it’s the last week of the election, the government won’t be in a position to respond properly until, say, next Monday). Surely, centre-right voters who might be swayed by such a relation will argue that this should have come out months ago.

So, why now? Well, maybe the email about John Key knowing full well who Dotcom was prior to the raids on the Christco Mansion is a forgery, or Dotcom suspects it’s authenticity and thus knows that, given time, the gut reaction of the public will dissipate as National and John Key argue it’s all just a setup. At least part of the Moment of Truth was a one hit wonder with a short shelf life (ah, the mundane beauty of a mixed metaphor), so if Dotcom’s revelations are to have any impact, then they needs to be released at a time where the government at least looks like it’s scrambling for a response.

Conjecture 2: The email is genuine but Dotcom has kept it secret until now to maximise the vote.

Maybe the email about the PM is genuine and Dotcom is using it to energise the undecideds and non-voting (but potential) voters. This conjecture relates to the first: perhaps Dotcom, as someone who is remarkably good at PR, realises that if John Key and the National Party got too much time to talk about what they have been up to, some people might start to wonder (wrongly) what the fuss is about and thus go back to being an undecided or non-voter. So, Dotcom might have held on to information he is certain about precisely because this is the point in time which maximises his interests (getting the Internet Party into Parliament) rather than serving the public interest (revealing wrong-doing).

Conjecture 3: Something something vested interests

It’s possible Dotcom is being played by some other force and dancing to another’s tune. However, this seems just a tad unlikely and it’s certainly not the preferred narrative of Messrs. Key and Slater, who seem to think we can put all the country’s ills on one permanent resident.


I’ve not written much about the Edward Snowden and Glen Greenwald revelations (which will be the substance of this week’s Podcaster’s Guide to the Conspiracy) because although some of the same issues about timing are the same, Snowden and Greenwald have a reputation for sincerity that Dotcom does not. Dotcom is a right-leaning, libertarian-sympathetic millionaire who has somehow latched on to what should be a far left political vehicle, the Mana Party. There is something insincere and manufactured about Dotcom, a sense that he is playing a game with the electorate in order to get back at the people he thought would support him. I realise this sounds like a conspiracy theory disseminated by the Right, but I think, in broad terms, it’s warranted by the evidence. I also don’t begrudge Dotcom his reasons: he was treated deplorably and illegally and deserves protection from extradition for those reasons. However, it also seems that the whole Moment of Truth thing is, for him, a game. Snowden, et al, were there to give what turned out to be an email of suspicious providence a little gravitas.

I would say that failed.

Last week, before the Moment of Truth but after the revelations of Dirty Politics, Dotcom admitted that he didn’t think his revelations would lead to a change in the government come election day. A charitable interpretation of that claim would have it that he saw the reaction to Dirty Politics and thought “Well, if that didn’t land, this email of mine sure won’t”. The less charitable version of the same story is that Dotcom always knew his evidence was shaky but thought the sheer audacity of revealing it a few days before an election would be a game-changer. Then he saw how Nicky Hager’s much lengthier, far-better evidenced argument that National was up to no good really only benefited fringe parties on the Right and went “Hmm… This won’t work after all.”

Oh, and as per usual when talking about these election issues, I half expect to be proved wrong in the morning.

Doctor Who – Listen

Let down only by Moffat’s decifing to continue to have the Doctor comment on people’s body image, “Listen” is probably the best story we’ve had since “The Girl in the Fireplace”. It’s smart, possibly monster-less and much more a story about people being scared than trying to be a story which scares people. The reveal at the end might not be what everyone expects, which I suppose is kind of the point when it comes to Moffat’s plot arcs (or attempts thereof).

The David Seymour Enigma

Imagine, if you will, that David Seymour of ACT becomes the next MP for Epsom (it’s easy if you try). He is likely to argue that his victory was not one pre-arranged by some cup if tea between his leader and the PM, John Key but, rather, because of his prolonged door knocking campaign (or maybe his inadvertently amusing campaign videos). Now, maybe you think that’s nonsense; a victory for ACT in Epsom would almost certainly be the product of National gifting them the seat (especially given the evidence), but for ACT’s David Seymour surely that’s not the point. He went through the motions necessary for saying he won the seat fair-and-square. I mean, you can’t actually tell from any anonymous vote why it was cast (despite what exit polls might possibly tell you).

There is something clever about David Seymour, which if said in the right tone of voice is the snarkiest thing I could possibly say (snark robbed of its strength, mind, by the transparency of that admission). Whatever concessions he gets from National for his support of the next government (oh, how I hope in a fortnight that this post is wrong), Seymour can claim that he might not be a gerrymandered candidate but Epsom’s real choice. Indeed, for ACT to have any credibility with regards to their “one law for all” campaign he really needs to be Epsom rather than empty scare quotes. A small party candidate representing the wishes of a suburb (even a wealthy, white one) is democracy in action. If Seymour can say “Look, I earned these votes!” then his views are worthy (if not worthwhile).

Electorate MPs are, when you think about it, strange in an MMP world. When you cast a party vote you’re endorsing a party and the party then gets someone off of their endorsed list. But electorate MPs are different, since you might (and some do) vote for them not because of their party affiliation but because they are effective at representing their constituency. Now, no one thinks Seymour will be an effective MP (or, they shouldn’t: we just don’t know yet, given his new-ness) but a vote for Seymour doesn’t seem to be one for representation by him but, rather, a way to get a party into Parliament by side-stepping the pesky “appeal to the general public” thing parties like the Greens and New Zealand manage to do.

Seymour might be token in a grand game of politicking or he might have shaken enough hands to really qualify as someone the people (good, bad and otherwise) wanted to vote for. In the end, all we know is that come this time in a fortnight, it’s likely that David Seymour will be looking at accommodation in Wellington and thinking of warming a seat in our Parliamentary debating chamber. He’ll present himself as the man Epsom voted for.

Maybe he will be. Such is the enigma of being a David Seymour.